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4 min. read
With widespread anti-government protests and resulting crackdowns, including the deaths of thousands of demonstrators and an internet blackout, Iran has become a nation under siege. Penn Today spoke with Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet, the Walter H. Annenberg Professor of History and a specialist in the Middle East and Iran, about the Iranian opposition, the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the possibilities ahead. Kashani-Sabet has written or edited four nonfiction books about Iranian history, including “Heroes to Hostages: America and Iran, 1800-1988.”
“After enduring years of sustained state violence, many Iranian protestors may simply hope for anyone capable of rescuing them from their current predicament,” Kashani-Sabet says. “They want relief from their daily hardships.”
At the moment, the most prominent opposition figure outside of Iran appears to be Reza Pahlavi, the son of the deposed king, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi. Protestors have chanted his name in the streets, both in demonstrations abroad and in Iran. Competing factions have also tried to rally around reformers in Iran, such as activist and Nobel laureate Narges Mohammadi and Mostafa Tajzadeh, who has served in various capacities in the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Both these figures are reportedly still imprisoned in Iran. Additional groups are also active.
The reason why the opposition has not unified around a single leader is that none seems to offer credible leadership on multiple fronts for this unique moment. After enduring years of sustained state violence, many Iranian protestors may simply hope for anyone capable of rescuing them from their current predicament, though some remain wary of foreign interference. Those struggling want relief from their daily hardships. In this environment, some people may be driven more by a desire for change than by allegiance to any single opposition figure. The combination of disillusionment and urgency has made it difficult for any one individual to emerge as an unquestioned unifying force. However, unity has come from people’s overwhelming opposition to the Islamic Republic. That message, in itself, creates political cohesion and should not be forgotten. Lack of unity in leadership should not be mistaken for fragmentation.
Meanwhile, organized opposition groups compete for influence, sometimes employing disinformation campaigns and political aggression to garner public support for their cause. The real victims of this lack of unity are the Iranian people, who have risked their lives for change but have yet to see results. Instead, they continue to confront state brutality while striving for democratic outcomes.
The calls for the return of the Pahlavi dynasty have many reasons. Reza Pahlavi has immediate name recognition as an opposition figure, and he also represents the antithesis of the Islamic Republic. In a sense, the return of the Pahlavi dynasty would mean the ultimate repudiation of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its ideology. Some also view the monarchy as an ancient institution and part of Iran’s political heritage, though it is ironic that Reza Shah—the founder of the Pahlavi dynasty—initially supported republicanism in 1924.
While the younger generation of Iranians and those in the diaspora do not remember life under the Pahlavi regime, they recognize that Iran, as a state, was not nearly as reviled worldwide as it has become today. Iranians could enjoy certain civil liberties that they now lack. Moreover, the currency exchange rate was very favorable for Iran in 1978 as opposed to now, and Iranians could travel abroad to many places without visas. These conditions no longer exist for everyday Iranians.
However, Reza Pahlavi is also a polarizing figure for some because of his close ties to right-wing figures in the United States and his relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, especially in light of the Gaza war and America’s role in it. Last summer, Pahlavi’s ties to Israel were criticized as unpatriotic during the 12-day war launched in June by Israel and the United States. Opponents also question Pahlavi’s motives, including his commitment to democracy and political inclusion. Others reject the monarchy itself as an inherently inequitable and undemocratic institution.
Daily life in Iran is unquestionably strained. The communications blackout has only deepened people’s problems, frustrations, and unhappiness. There is also the horrible trauma of the past week, with thousands of protestors cruelly massacred in Rasht, Tehran, and elsewhere. People are grappling as best they can with the sheer brutality of the government crackdown on the protests. Families have faced difficulties communicating by phone. As in all moments of political crisis, those with means manage to get by, whereas the thousands who languish due to poverty carry the heaviest burdens. For them, the current situation and the economic mismanagement of the country have become especially unbearable.
The Islamic Republic of Iran has made anti-Americanism a core state ideology. The revolution of 1979 ushered in anti-American slogans that are still invoked today. The Islamic Republic blames the U.S. for Iran’s current problems. They point to the U.S.-led sanctions as the primary reason for Iran’s economic downturn, which has not hurt the elite but the needy. Officials further emphasize what they view as hypocrisy in U.S. diplomacy toward Iran, pointing to the Trump administration’s withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and its decision to attack Iran during nuclear negotiations.
Despite the government’s official stance, many Iranians generally maintain a favorable view of the United States. Iranians are well aware of global politics and the history of foreign interests in their country, which remains rich in resources. Yet many still hope that Iran will re-establish formal relations with the United States. For many Iranian students and families, America would be the destination of choice if visas were accessible. Many Iranians also resent the presence of individuals with pro-regime ties in the United States and the West, given their connections to a state that has officially promoted anti-Western and anti-American policies.
Revolutionary movements do not follow predictable historical scripts. The one thing we know for certain is that many Iranians are demanding radical political change on a grand scale, and it is our duty to support them and to prevent further violence against those sacrificing their lives for a free and democratic Iran.
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