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The youth-led uprising in Nepal that led to the toppling of the nation’s government may seem rapid to outsiders. However, Shana Scogin, a political scientist and postdoctoral fellow at Perry World House, who has been doing research in Nepal since 2018, points to deeper causes. Despite international framing of the demonstrations as “social media ban protests,” she says the movement has explicitly rejected this framework, stressing instead that its motivations are founded on grievances over governance and corruption.
Scogin shares her insights on the roots of the unrest, the interim government, and what to expect next.
The Sept. 8 Gen-Z protests and the following days of unrest were a culmination of years of frustration over corruption, elite privilege, and failures in governance. Three of the most immediate triggers for the demonstrations were an online movement to air the lavish lifestyles of some political elites and their families, a government mandate that banned 26 social media platforms contingent upon the companies officially registering with the state, and footage of a young girl who was hit by an official government car. As demonstrators moved to enter the Parliament building on the afternoon of Sept. 8, police opened fire, killing at least 19, many of whom were youth in school uniforms. Outrage at the severity of the force escalated to widespread destruction on Sept. 9.
The protest was largely organized through decentralized networks in Kathmandu and surrounding areas. Mobilization ran through digital platforms organized over the Discord social messaging app and local informal networks, which amplified participation among students and networks of young Nepalis. While the movement has been widely described as leaderless, individuals like Sudan Gurung and other members of civil society collective Hami Nepal, a grass roots, youth-focused, social-service group known for disaster relief and community service, have become recognizable voices, particularly in the aftermath of the Sept. 9 escalation.
The head of the interim government, Sushila Karki, a former chief justice known for her anti-corruption rulings who became Nepal’s first woman prime minister on Sept. 12, was the endorsed choice of those who identified themselves as associated with the movement.
Her cabinet appointments include reform-minded technocrats like Kulman Ghising (Energy), who is known for reforming Nepal’s chronic electricity load-shedding; Rameshwore Khanal (Finance), a former finance secretary known for pushing reforms in tax and revenue policy; and Om Prakash Aryal (Home), a rights lawyer recognized for his anti-corruption litigation and advocacy for accountability. Many hope this lineup signals Karki’s commitment to credibility and clean governance. Immediate goals include restoring order, ensuring accountability for protest deaths, preparing for elections that are currently being discussed for early March, and beginning the reconstruction of damaged and destroyed public facilities.
Other key figures to watch include Kathmandu’s populist former rapper-engineer mayor, Balen Shah, who, while not in the interim cabinet, may influence reform debates, as well as Sumana Shrestha, a reform-focused lawmaker who has become an emerging national figure for younger voters, and Sagar Dhakal, a youth leader and independent activist who has challenged establishment politicians. Together, these figures highlight how much of the political energy is moving toward individuals seen as new, clean, or effective, rather than established party leaders.
Immediate stability would be strengthened by an independent investigation into protest deaths and some form of victim compensation and reconciliation. Casualty figures continue to evolve. Initial reports cited at least 19 deaths on Sept. 8, with further fatalities reported on Sept. 9. Currently, the overall toll has been revised upward to more than 70, though the precise breakdown between the two days remains uncertain.
Establishing a credible and inclusive election timeline monitored by civil society and observers is also essential if the government is to regain public trust. Many young people argue that if patterns of “party politics” do not change, frustration will persist regardless of elections. Finally, anti-corruption measures, such as stronger watchdogs and asset disclosure, must be paired with credible reform of governance, reliable provision of public goods, and policies that expand economic development and job opportunities to ensure longer-term stability.
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Charles Kane, Christopher H. Browne Distinguished Professor of Physics at Penn’s School of Arts & Sciences.
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